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Star Charlize Theron. genre Biography. &ref(https://m.media-amazon.com/images/M/MV5BZjlhOWE3YjktY2MzOC00ZmQ1LWIwNjgtZmVhZmFjZGExMzgyXkEyXkFqcGdeQXVyMDA4NzMyOA@@._V1_UX182_CR0,0,182,268_AL_.jpg). Runtime 109 minute. Country USA. Writed by Charles Randolph. I felt margot's existential crisis when she saidam i being a woman wrong. As contemporary as things get, Bombshell is a gripping and energetic exposé on a horrifyingly pervasive issue in modern society, providing captivating and fiery drama along with well-tempered social commentary and historical intrigue. The film does struggle to find its voice early on, but with real passion and immense talent in all corners, it ultimately proves to be a powerful and attention-grabbing watch.
If there's one thing to know about Bombshell, it's that it doesn't hold its punches. And that's what really makes it soar. It's by no means a hysterical or melodramatic take on real issues, and it impresses throughout with well-balanced and level-headed drama, but its passion and fire are what really turn it from an average film into something both more memorable and worth your while. There's no getting away from the main topic at play here, sexual harassment and institutional pressure on women to stay quiet about it. Bombshell details the high-profile scandal surrounding Fox News CEO Roger Ailes' fall from grace, and does so in an unapologetically direct and passionate manner. In its early stages, however, Bombshell doesn't get off to the best of starts, misguidedly focusing on a number of topics that frustratingly dilute the real impact of what's really at stake. Set sparingly against the initial stages of Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign, the film starts off with too much emphasis on the conservative-liberal divide, Trump's campaign and the cutthroat world of news media. Both of those topics are certainly a key part in the history of institutional sexual harassment in the modern day, but in terms of telling this story, Bombshell spends far too long on wider topics without linking into its strongest suit, where the real ire and intensity lies. What's more is that the first act tries to play the same sharp and witty fourth-wall breaking game of The Big Short. But, in tandem with its misguided thematic focus at first, Bombshell just doesn't have the same spark or even humour to be another Big Short, and really struggles to find its voice for the best part of the first forty minutes. All of that changes, however, when the story takes a marked shift in tone and focus. The contemporary political background is left to one side (and not really picked up again) but it's all for the better, as the film begins to deliver a powerful exposé on sexual harassment, all the while getting you fired up as its reveals the disgusting realities of how executives pressure and silence those trying to show the truth to the world. From there on in, Bombshell is far less of a rehash of The Big Short, but more reminiscent of a revelatory news report, much like the excellent Spotlight. And with that more serious and assured tone, there comes real dramatic gravitas, shocking political themes, and most of all an infuriating portrayal of revolting and medieval behaviour by a respected and successful media magnate. And beneath all of that beats a fiery heart of righteous fury, just waiting to be given the chance to speak out and show the real truth. The film's opening act never feels passionate enough, but its latter stages are the exact opposite, working both as a level-headed political drama and an impassioned call to arms on exposing the pervading institutional terrors of sexual harassment. It's a film that really gets you fired up for its cause, and that speaks volumes about just how gripping it is come the finish. That fire and emotion is delivered brilliantly on screen by a whole host of great performances, particularly from the enthralling Charlize Theron and the villainous Jon Lithgow, and it all comes together to make Bombshell a compelling and genuinely powerful watch in the end. Overall, I was really impressed by Bombshell. While it misses the mark in its early stages, attempting to grab your attention with sharp wit and a range of subject matters, it improves enormously later on. Feeling like an entirely different film after its first act, it provides an enthralling and infuriating exposé on institutionalised sexual harassment, complete with riveting depth and immense passion both in front of and behind the camera.
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Bombshell kate mckinnon. Bombshell cast. As an young African-American, I've always had a dislike for Fox News and everything it stood for. And originally I didn't even care about the movie despite some of my favorite studios having involvement with the film (Annapruna, Lionsgate and Bron. But once I watched the film I was quite fond of how it turned out.
The cast was wonderful and accurate. The actors looked just like their real life counterparts and they played their parts well. It was also made clear to me that this wasn't a Fox News story. It was a story about a group of women who came together and took down a disgusting person who abused their power. My minor caveat was Kayla's friend/lover, who felt tossed into the story for diversities sake. She didn't add much to the story aside from the "LGBT person at very conservative news network" and falters in a scene where's she is supposed to be a emotional rock for Kayla. It seemed as if they tried to position her as a makor character but without the proper story of being one.
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(Kyodo via AP Images) Esta matéria foi originalmente publicada na VICE UK. Na última terça-feira (29), a presidente sul-coreana Park Geun-hye anunciou que estaria disposta a renunciar de seu cargo ? a última nova de um escândalo de corrupção extraordinário que vem consumindo o país há semanas e causou tamanho ultraje que 1, 5 milhão de sul-coreanos saíram às ruas de Seul no sábado (26). O escândalo se centra na confidente de Park, Choi Soon-sil, que foi indiciada por extorsão e abuso de poder. Outras figuras poderosas caíram por meio de renúncias, prisões e demissões, incluindo assessores presidenciais, o ministro das finanças, o presidente emérito de uma das maiores universidades da nação e um diretor de clipes de K-pop. E indicação de renúncia de Park não significa o final do drama, já que alguns políticos de oposição querem seguir com o processo de impeachment. "O que estamos vendo é um desmoronamento completo dos processos políticos", disse Se-Woong Koo, editor da Korea Exposé, uma revista online fundada em 2014. Ativista e acadêmico com PhD na Universidade de Stanford, Koo também oferece comentários e análises sobre a Coreia do Sul para o New York Times e a BBC Radio. Numa entrevista por telefone, ele comentou os postos-chave do escândalo, desmistificando a "política bizantina da Coreia" e explicando como a metástase da crise revela uma corrupção endêmica no coração da política e do sistema econômico nacional. O cerne do escândalo é que a presidente Park teria permitido que sua amiga Choi Soon-sil, uma companhia íntima dela há 40 anos que não tinha um título ou papel oficial, servisse como sua "presidente sombra". A acusação é que Choi ? às vezes descrita como uma "dona de casa de meia idade de Gangnam" ? tinha acesso, influência e poder de tomar decisões sem precedentes atrás de portas fechadas na Casa Azul, a residência presidencial coreana. Além de editar os discursos de Park, escolher suas roupas e tentar fazer com que grandes companhias doassem dinheiro para suas fundações, ela estaria envolvida em questões-chave como segurança nacional e indicações políticas. "Ela tinha um dedo em muita coisa", disse Koo. "Seus amigos aparentemente estavam determinando quem recebia apoio do governo, como no caso de atletas, quem assinava contratos com o governo para projetos culturais e quem recebia sinal verde para representar a Coreia em eventos internacionais. " As acusações estão sendo investigadas, e a presidente foi apontada como suspeita e cúmplice. (Park se recusou a cooperar com as investigações. ) Choi Soon-sil, sob prisão preventiva desde 31 de outubro, é acusada de "extorquir" cerca de $70 milhões de poderosos conglomerados familiares coreanos (os chamados chaebol), como a Samsung, através de doações para as duas fundações que ela controlava. Mas Koo diz que "suborno" é uma caracterização mais precisa da transação. "Sabemos que a Samsung estava pagando Choi Soon-sil, que eles deram dinheiro para uma das empresas fantasmas de Choi na Alemanha como taxa de consultoria. O dinheiro então foi usado para pagar o treinamento de equitação da filha de Choi", ele disse. "A pergunta é: o que a Samsung queria em troca? Tudo isso aconteceu enquanto a Samsung estava embarcando numa fusão muito delicada e importante a que muitos acionistas se opunham. Se houve essa expectativa clara de esperar algo em troca, isso constitui suborno. " As chaebol recebem subsídios do governo e muitas vezes mantêm canais por baixo dos panos com oficiais ? por causa disso, segundo Koo, essas companhias "têm uma incrível dominância sobre a economia nacional". Leia também: "Não fazer nada virou esporte na Coreia do Sul" Park, a primeira presidente mulher da Coreia do Sul, é filha de Park Chung-hee, um general que organizou um golpe em 1961 e comandou o país como presidente eleito de 1963 a 1979, quando foi assassinado. (Sua esposa foi morta por outro assassino em 1974. ) "É impossível falar da Coreia sem falar do pai dela", disse Koo. "Muitos argumentam que suas políticas econômicas transformaram a Coreia do Sul numa potência econômica. Outros dizem que essas políticas são a razão de muitos problemas da Coreia hoje. Ele sentia que era necessário regular diferentes setores da indústria, e que um pequeno número de empresas deveriam liderar a economia nacional. " Ainda assim os manifestantes não foram às ruas apenas por causa da corrupção. Koo aponta para uma falta de oportunidades econômicas ? o que levou a uma alta taxa de desemprego entre os jovens no país, a terceira mais alta do mundo desenvolvido, e numa sensação de armação na economia. "Essa é uma sociedade dividida", disse Koo. "Na Coreia há um ditado que diz que a pessoa pode ser uma colher de ouro, uma colher de prata ou uma colher de barro. Sua capacidade de ter sucesso depende inteiramente do seu nascimento: colheres de ouro estão no topo. Colheres de prata são medianas. E as colheres de barro são os zé-ninguém. " Se-Woong Koo no protesto de sábado em Seul. Foto por Jun Michael Park /Korea Exposé. Os jovens competem pelos mesmos empregos seguros nos setores privado e público. "A diferença dos salários numa grande empresa e empresas pequenas ou médias é enorme", disse Koo. "Então o sentimento é que se você não vai conseguir um bom emprego, é melhor nem trabalhar. " O resultado e uma estratificação profunda e uma desconfiança com as "elites". Segundo Koo: "Todas as colheres de barro estão contra a corrupção. Elas acham que é assim que as elites perpetuam seu poder e riqueza". Koo diz que o escândalo, além de se tornar um ponto focal de uma insatisfação maior com a maneira como o país é comandado, "mina ainda mais a credibilidade da presidente e do governo. É como assistir a uma novela. Eles fazem o que querem. Eles são corruptos. E acharam que iriam se safar dessa ? e é por isso que as pessoas estão com tanta raiva agora". Na manhã de terça (29), a Assembleia Nacional coreana conseguiu apoio suficiente para o impeachment ? de 30 a 40 legisladores do partido da presidente concordaram em se unir à oposição para votar pelo impeachment, talvez até na sexta-feira ? mas o discurso em rede nacional anunciando a disposição dela em renunciar parece ter esfriado esses esforços. Para Koo, o discurso "muito bem trabalhado" de cinco minutos de Park serviu para duas coisas: "É um movimento estratégico, pensado para dar cobertura aos legisladores do partido da situação para que eles não precisem apoiar o impeachment. E também serviu para acalmar as pessoas que exigiam sua renúncia imediata. Agora os legisladores do partido no poder parecem estar recuando, dizendo 'bom, ela disse que vai renunciar mesmo'. " A renúncia e o impeachment são vistos como "opções desonrosas" na Coreia do Sul, disse Koo, acrescentando que o discurso de Park parecia ser um pedido de uma terceira opção: "Ela está pedindo que os legisladores pensem numa maneira de ela se afastar de maneira honrosa ? o que pode significar aprovar uma nova lei ou mudar a constituição". "Ela ganhou muito tempo aqui", continuou Koo. "Agora ela pode sentar e relaxar enquanto os debates se desenrolam na Assembleia. E as pessoas vão prestar mais atenção nos legisladores e esquecer um pouco dela. " Há uma manifestação marcada para todos os sábados até que Park renuncie ou seja impichada, e os políticos estarão observando o comparecimento do próximo sábado para ter uma ideia do clima na nação. "No momento, tenho visto muito descontentamento nas redes sociais", me disse Koo. "Mas precisamos assistir a manifestação de sábado para ver quantas pessoas aparecem e realmente expressam esse descontentamento. " Independentemente do que acontecer agora, se livrar apenas de Park não vai resolver os problemas profundos da Coreia. "A pergunta de como resolver toda a extensão da corrupção na Coreia do Sul não tem uma resposta fácil", disse Koo. "É uma questão cultural. É assim que as coisas são feitas há décadas. Você não pode chegar
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  • Writer: Boris Kálnoky
  • Info: Foreign correspondent (Die Welt, Weltwoche, Die Presse, Kleine Zeitung, Deutsche Welle, Cicero), author. SE Europe & Turkey.

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