Richard Hofstadterの米国政治のパラノイドスタイル (つづき)

Richard Hofstadterはさらに、パラノイドスタイルの特徴として、特に教養人がパラノイドスタイルをとった場合の、衒学性あるいは証拠の積み上げを指摘する。
A final characteristic of the paranoid style is related to the quality of its pedantry. One of the impressive things about paranoid literature is the contrast between its fantasied conclusions and the almost touching concern with factuality it invariably shows. It produces heroic strivings for evidence to prove that the unbelievable is the only thing that can be believed. Of course, there are highbrow, lowbrow, and middlebrow paranoids, as there are likely to be in any political tendency. But respectable paranoid literature not only starts from certain moral commitments that can indeed be justified but also carefully and all but obsessively accumulates “evidence.” The difference between this “evidence” and that commonly employed by others is that it seems less a means of entering into normal political controversy than a means of warding off the profane intrusion of the secular political world. The paranoid seems to have little expectation of actually convincing a hostile world, but he can accumulate evidence in order to protect his cherished convictions from it.
The higher paranoid scholarship is nothing if not coherent—in fact the paranoid mind is far more coherent than the real world. It is nothing if not scholarly in technique. McCarthy’s 96-page pamphlet, McCarthyism, contains no less than 313 footnote references, and Mr. Welch’s incredible assault on Eisenhower, The Politician, has one hundred pages of bibliography and notes. The entire right-wing movement of our time is a parade of experts, study groups, monographs, footnotes, and bibliographies. Sometimes the right-wing striving for scholarly depth and an inclusive world view has startling consequences: Mr. Welch, for example, has charged that the popularity of Arnold Toynbee’s historical work is the consequence of a plot on the part of Fabians, “Labour party bosses in England,” and various members of the Anglo-American “liberal establishment” to overshadow the much more truthful and illuminating work of Oswald Spengler.

より高いパラノイドの学識は、とりわけ首尾一貫していることが取り柄である。実際、パラノイドの精神は現実世界よりも、はるかに首尾一貫している。技術的にはまさに学術的なことが取り柄である。マッカーシーの96ページのパンフレット"MaCarthyism"には313以上の脚注参照がある。また、ウェルチのアイゼンハウアーに対する驚異的な攻撃文書"The Politician"には、100ページ以上の参考文献と注記がある。我々の時代の右翼全体の動きは、専門家・研究グループ・モノグラフ・脚注・参考文献に満ち溢れている。ときには、右翼が学術的な深さと包括的な世界観を求めていくと、驚くべき結論に至ることがある。たとえば、ウェルチは、アーノルド・トインビーの歴史に関する著作の人気の高さは、フェビアン主義者・英国労働党の幹部。英米のリベラルエスタブリッシュメントなどの様々なメンバーによる陰謀の結果だと、激しく非難した。

[ Richard Hofstadter: "The Paranoid Style in American Politics" (1964/11) on Harper's Magazine ]

Let us now abstract the basic elements in the paranoid style. The central image is that of a vast and sinister conspiracy, a gigantic and yet subtle machinery of influence set in motion to undermine and destroy a way of life. One may object that there are conspiratorial acts in history. and there is nothing paranoid about taking note of them. This is true. All political behavior requires strategy, many strategic acts depend for their effect upon a period of secrecy, and anything that is secret may be described, often with but little exaggeration, as conspiratorial. The distinguishing thing about the paranoid style is not that its ex-ponents see conspiracies or plots here and there in history, but that they regard a 'vast' or 'gigantic' conspiracy as the motive force in historical events. History is a conspiracy, set in motion by demonic forces of almost transcendent power, and what is felt to be needed to defeat it is not the usual methods of political give-and-take, but an all-out crusade.


[ Richard Hofstadter: "The Paranoid Style in American Politics: An Essay: from The Paranoid Style in American Politics" (1965), pp.29-30]
The paranoid spokesman sees the fate of this conspiracy in apocalyptic terms—he traffics in the birth and death of whole worlds, whole political orders, whole systems of human values. He is always manning the barricades of civilization. He constantly lives at a turning point: it is now or never in organizing resis-tance to conspiracy. Time is forever just running out. Like religious millenarians, he expresses the anxiety of those who are living through the last days and he is sometimes disposed to set a date for the apocalypse. "Time is running out," said Welch in 1951. "Evidence is piling up on many sides and from many sources that October 1952 is the fatal month when Stalin will attack." [4] The apocalypticism of the paranoid style runs dangecously near to hopeless pessimism, but usually stops short of it. Apocalyptic warnings arouse passion and militancy, and strike at susceptibility to similar themes in Christianity. Properly expressed, such warnings serve somewhat the same function as a description of the horrible consequences of sin in a revivalist sermon: they portray that which impends but which may still be avoided. They are a secular and demonic version of adventism.


[4] May God Forgive Us (Chicago, 1951), p73.

[ Richard Hofstadter: "The Paranoid Style in American Politics: An Essay: from The Paranoid Style in American Politics" (1965), pp.29-30]