Amanda Gill

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Free created equal: clarence thomas in his own words quotes. Free created equal 3a clarence thomas in his own words design. Free Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own words to say. Free Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own words of love. Easily one of the finest intellects in American history. Anita Hill's accusations have been discredited multiple times. It was one big lie. Movies | ‘Created Equal’ Review: A Justice of Few Words Finds His Voice Clarence Thomas is usually silent on the Supreme Court, but he had plenty to say to some friendly filmmakers. Credit... Manifold Productions Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own Words Directed by Michael Pack Documentary PG-13 1h 56m The most obvious selling point of “Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own Words” also happens to be its most conspicuous deficiency. Thomas has distinguished himself with his silence on the Supreme Court; in 2016, he asked his first question from the bench in a decade. (Three years later, he asked another. ) Speaking directly to the camera in “Created Equal, ” Thomas is veritably chatty, reminiscing about his childhood, extolling the work of Ayn Rand, smiling wryly at his own quips. The producers, Michael Pack and Gina Cappo Pack, spent more than 30 hours interviewing Thomas and his wife, Virginia. Simply getting to watch Thomas expound on his thoughts for an extended length of time constitutes its own kind of novelty ? a surprise that begins to wear off when it becomes clear that Thomas will mostly be rehashing the life story he already recounted in his 2007 memoir, “My Grandfather’s Son. ” That memoir was a fascinating document ? shrewdly evasive yet occasionally revealing. This new film, by contrast, is about as revelatory as a campaign ad. The only talking heads are Thomas’s and Virginia’s; no other perspectives are offered. Funders for the project include conservative foundations belonging to the Kochs and the Scaifes. Michael Pack, who also directed the film, has written in praise of Stephen K. Bannon’s cultural production efforts. “Documentaries, ” Pack wrote in 2017, “have been the almost exclusive playground of the Left. ” Thomas recounts the major moments in an undeniably eventful life. He supported the black power movement in the ’60s and ’70s and voted for Ronald Reagan in 1980; his conservative turn, he says, was the inevitable reaction to liberal hypocrisy. Clips of Anita Hill testifying at Thomas’s confirmation hearings in 1991 appear in the second half of the film, after the filmmakers have taken care not to disturb their admiring portrait of Thomas as a faithful Christian and doting family man. Hill’s recollections of sexual harassment get predictably cast as part of a feminist smear campaign designed to destroy him. But the overriding tenor of this documentary is triumphant and upbeat. Thomas’s journey is intermittently visualized by footage from inside a boat as it makes its way through marshy wetlands before arriving, just as the sun is setting, at a sturdy dock. If “Created Equal” is trying to promote the conservative cause, it does so gently, and blandly. The only moment of mild discomfort occurs when the filmmakers ask Thomas about the end of his first marriage. The otherwise voluble Thomas signals that he’ll be having none of it, turning momentarily awkward and taciturn: “Yeah, it was, you know, you live with it. ” Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own Words Rated PG-13 for the unavoidable segment on sexual harassment. Running time: 1 hour 56 minutes.
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Well done. When I didn't notice one Jewish name in the opening credits I thought it wouldn't be, but I was wrong. The more the merrier - that is, the more races and cultures bringing their stories and perspectives to the screen the better off the whole industry will be. Cheers and congratulations. Lochaim.
What a great guy! sounds very intelligent. he intellectually destroyed those people on the committee. sad to see the same thing is happening today in 2018 with Brett Kavanaugh.

Free created equal 3a clarence thomas in his own words soon. United States, 2020 Documentary Synopsis Although Clarence Thomas remains a controversial figure, loved by some, reviled by others, few know much more than a few headlines and the recollections of his contentious confirmation battle with Anita Hill. Yet, the personal odyssey of Clarence Thomas is a classic American story. This film is not currently playing on MUBI but 30 other great films are. See what’s now showing.

Free Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own words without. I can only have enormous admiration for this great American. You are here: Home / Blog / Created Equal: Clarence Thomas In His Own Words One of the shyest Supreme Court Justices speaks candidly in a new documentary that will be released on Friday, Jan. 31: Created Equal: Clarence Thomas In His Own Words. Thomas is known for staying quiet during Supreme Court oral arguments and giving few, if any, interviews to the press. (He explains the former in the documentary. ) Even those who think they know something of Thomas’s life will likely find some surprises revealed in the film. Thomas speaks of his life born to a poor Georgia family where English was a second language. He went hungry, often had no bed to sleep in and wandered the streets. The film traces how he became interested in seminary, discovered racism in the then-all-white Catholic church culture, and became a radical and “angry black man” (his words). Watch the preview of “Created Equal” by clicking below: In “Created Equal, ” Thomas describes his sharp turnaround from anger and hate to an attitude of love and acceptance. He also talks about his contentious Supreme Court confirmation that was marred by 11th hour accusations lodged by Anita Hill, a former employee, who claimed Thomas had brought up unwanted sexually-tinged conversations with her. Thomas says that because he is conservative, he was viewed as “not the right black man” in the eyes of liberals who targeted him with relentless attacks no matter his accomplishments. Thomas’s wife, Ginni, appears with him in the documentary. To find out where “Created Equal” will be playing, check out the link below: Filmmakers Michael Pack (left), Gina Cappo Pack (center), Faith Jones (right) Below is the description from the filmmaker: With unprecedented access, the producers interviewed Justice Clarence Thomas and his wife, Virginia, for over 30 hours of interview time, over many months. Justice Thomas tells his entire life’s story, looking directly at the camera, speaking frankly to the audience. After a brief introduction, the documentary proceeds chronologically, combining Justice Thomas’ first person account with a rich array of historical archive material, period and original music, personal photos, and evocative recreations. Unscripted and without narration, the documentary takes the viewer through this complex and often painful life, dealing with race, faith, power, jurisprudence, and personal resilience. In 1948, Clarence Thomas was born into dire poverty in Pin Point, Georgia, a Gullah- speaking peninsula in the segregated South. His father abandoned the family when Clarence was two years old. His mother, unable to care for two boys, brought Clarence and his brother, Myers, to live with her father and his wife. Thomas’ grandfather, Myers Anderson, whose schooling ended at the third grade, delivered coal and heating oil in Savannah. He gave the boys tough love and training in hard work. He sent them to a segregated Catholic school where the Irish nuns taught them self-discipline and a love of learning. From there, Thomas entered the seminary, training to be a priest. As the times changed, Thomas began to rebel against the values of his grandfather. Angered by his fellow seminarians’ racist comments following the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. and disillusioned by the Catholic Church’s general failure to support the civil rights movement, Thomas left the seminary. His grandfather felt Thomas had betrayed him by questioning his values and kicked Thomas out of his house. In 1968, Thomas enrolled as a scholarship student at the College of the Holy Cross in Massachusetts. While there, he helped found the Black Student Union and supported the burgeoning Black Power Movement. Then, Thomas’s views began to change, as he saw it, back to his grandfather’s values. He judged the efforts of the left and liberals to help his people to be demeaning failures. To him, affirmative action seemed condescending and ineffective, sending African-American students to schools where they were not prepared to succeed. He watched the busing crisis in Boston tear the city apart. To Thomas, it made no sense. Why, he asked, pluck poor black kids out of their own bad schools only to bus them to another part of town to sit with poor white students in their bad schools? At Yale Law School, he felt stigmatized by affirmative action, treated as if he were there only because of his race, minimizing his previous achievements. After graduating in 1974, he worked for then State Attorney General John Danforth in Missouri, eventually working in the Reagan administration, first running the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Education and then the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. In 1990, he became a judge on the U. S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. In 1991, President George H. W. Bush nominated Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court. His confirmation hearings would test his character and principles in the crucible of national controversy. Like the Bork hearings in 1987, the Democrats went after Thomas’ record and his jurisprudence, especially natural law theory, but also attacked his character. When that failed, and he was on the verge of being confirmed, a former employee, Anita Hill, came forth to accuse him of sexual harassment. The next few days of televised hearings riveted the nation. Finally, defending himself against relentless attacks by the Democratic Senators on the committee, Thomas accused them of running “a high-tech lynching for uppity blacks who in any way deign to think for themselves, to do for themselves, to have different ideas. ” After wall-to-wall television coverage, according to the national polls, the American people believed Thomas by more than a 2-1 margin. Yet, Thomas was confirmed by the closest margin in history, 52-48. In his 27 years on the court, Thomas’s jurisprudence has often been controversial?from his brand of originalism to his decisions on affirmative action and other hot button topics. Critical journalists often point out that he rarely speaks in oral argument. The public remains curious about Clarence Thomas?both about his personal history and his judicial opinions. His 2007 memoir,?My Grandfather’s Son, was number one on?The New York Times’?bestseller list. About “Created Equal: Clarence Thomas In His Own Words” Watch for my interview with Director and Producer Michael Pack on an upcoming episode of Full Measure. Support the fight against government overreach in Attkisson v. DOJ and FBI for the government computer intrusions. Thanks to the thousands who have already supported! Emmy-Award Winning Investigative Journalist, New York Times Best Selling Author, Host of Sinclair's Full Measure Reader Interactions.
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Free created equal: clarence thomas in his own words book. Same trick used on Kavanaugh. lol. Free created equal 3a clarence thomas in his own words new. Thomas is a TRAITOR see the real video truth here. Accueil > Films > 2020 > Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own Words En bref Bandes-annonces Casting Sortie Inconnu Mis à jour le 8 février 2020 Avec Clarence Thomas Durée 1h 56min Genre Documentaire Réalisé par Michael Pack Langue anglais Noter ce film 1. Déjà vu ce film? 0 2. Partagez votre opinion, écrivez votre critique Publier en tant qu'invité Synopsis et détails Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own Words Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own Words est un film (1h 56min) de Michael Pack avec Clarence Thomas. Découvrez 1 Bandes-annonces et le casting de 1 stars sur CinéSéries Titre original Box Office - Année de Production 2020 Budget Production Manifold Productions.
Free created equal 3a clarence thomas in his own words html. Free created equal: clarence thomas in his own wordswn words. Uncle Tom.

Free created equal: clarence thomas in his own words pdf. They are still trying to make clarence look bad smh. I don't agree with all of ' beliefs but i still believe what they did to him 27 years ago was horrific. This is also another reason why im not a democrat or republican. Released January 31, 2020 PG-13, 1 hr 56 min Documentary Tell us where you are Looking for movie tickets? Enter your location to see which movie theaters are playing Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own Words near you. ENTER CITY, STATE OR ZIP CODE GO Sign up for a FANALERT® and be the first to know when tickets and other exclusives are available in your area. Also sign me up for FanMail to get updates on all things movies: tickets, special offers, screenings + more. Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own Words: Trailer 1 1 of 1 Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own Words Synopsis With unprecedented access, the producers interviewed Justice Clarence Thomas and his wife, Virginia, for over 30 hours of interview time, over many months. Justice Thomas tells his entire life’s story, looking directly at the camera, speaking frankly to the audience. Read Full Synopsis Movie Reviews Presented by Rotten Tomatoes More Info Rated PG-13 | For Some Sexual References and Thematic Elements.
Very good movie, thank you. Income Inequality, Liberty & the Founders ~ The Imaginative Conservative Skip to content We have been hearing a great deal about income inequality in recent days, particularly from Senator Bernie Sanders. Part of this interest is fueled by many examples of excess at the top. J. P. Morgan Chase, after a year immersed in scandal, decided to award its chief executive, Jamie Dimon, $20 million in compensation for 2013. This amount was seventy-four?per cent higher than the $11. 5 million he earned in 2012. Under his leadership, J. Morgan suffered a series of major legal setbacks, including a record $13 billion settlement with the Justice Department. J. Morgan, under Dimon’s leadership, paid this amount to resolve allegations that the bank knowingly sold faulty mortgage securities that contributed to the nation’s financial crisis. Other senior executives at the bank got lush compensation packages as well. Wall Street, which played fast and loose with the nation’s economy, was bailed out by U. S. taxpayers. Middle class Americans, in effect, subsidized the very rich, men and women such as the J. Morgan Chase executives. This is hardly free enterprise at work, as some imply; instead, it is a form of socialism for the rich. What would Adam Smith or Milton Friedman think of the concept of “too big to fail? ” They might have a name for it. But it wouldn’t be free market capitalism. The excessive salaries earned by those who presided over failed institutions, which taxpayers rescued, is certainly a legitimate cause for concern. Still, wretched excess by a few at the top has little to do with our larger economic problems. It is important that we understand?the real challenges we face. In particular, the notion that income inequality in itself is unfair is a subject that was addressed at the very beginning of our country by the Founding Fathers. In his Second Treatise, John Locke, the philosopher who most significantly influenced the thinking of the Founding Fathers, stated that, “The great and chief end… of man’s uniting into commonwealths and putting themselves under government is the preservation of their property…. Every man has a property in his own person. This nobody has any right to but himself. The labor of his body and the work of his hands, we may say, are properly his. Whatsoever, then, he removed out of the state that nature hath provided and left it in, he hath mixed his labor with it, and joined to it something that is his own, and thereby makes it his property. ” Those who today advocate an “equal” distribution of property claim that, in doing so, they are simply applying the philosophy of the Founders to matters of economic concern. Nothing could be further from the truth. In The Federalist Papers, James Madison clearly deals with this question. He wrote that, “The diversity in the faculties of men, from which the rights of property originate, is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interest. The protection of these faculties is the first object of government. From the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property, the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately results. ” A Massachusetts circular of 1768, drafted by Samuel Adams, stated, “It is an essential unalterable right in nature, grafted into the British Constitution, as a fundamental law, and ever held sacred and irrevocable by the subjects within the realm, that what a man has honestly acquired is absolutely his own, which he may freely give, but cannot be taken from him without his consent. ” What the Founders would think of Wall Street dealmakers, hedge fund managers and others who seem to manipulate wealth rather than create it, is a separate question. Those in our current political debate may have a point in challenging the excesses of the very rich, but the question of income inequality has causes beyond such excesses, which also deserve to be addressed. One important factor impeding economic progress on the part of millions of Americans is family breakdown. Children’s chances for success are harmed by the internal dynamics of deteriorating rates of marriage more than they are harmed by any activities of the rich. At the present time, seventy-two?per cent of black American children and fifty-three?per cent of Hispanic children are born to unmarried women, as are forty per cent of all births. A majority of all mothers under thirty?are not living with the fathers of their children. Oren Cass of the Manhattan Institute notes that, By one measure, opportunity and mobility are thriving in America. Children born into the lowest income quantile have almost exactly equal chances of arriving in any of five income quintiles as adults. There is only one catch: Their parents must be and stay married. Children whose parents never marry face poor prospects: More than half remain in the bottom quintile, ten times the share that reaches the top. Tragically, this latter scenario is becoming the norm. America’s ‘lower class, ’ for lack of a better term, is undergoing an unprecedented social collapse that threatens to destabilize core American principles. The data on marriage, parenting, employment, civic engagement and basic values show a widening and sometimes accelerating gap between classes. This form of inequality is far more consequential than income inequality because strong families and communities, unlike high incomes, are the cornerstones of a free and fair society. The cycle of social decay begins when parents-to-be fail to form stable marriages. In Our Kids, Harvard political scientist Robert Putnam shows that poor children in one-parent families face stresses and traumas others do not. They are up to five times more likely to face abuse and violence, addiction, and the death or imprisonment of a parent. Those experiences, along with unstable caregiving, impair learning and the development of “executive functions” such as concentration, self-discipline, and problem-solving. By the time they reach school, seventy-two?per cent of middle class children know the alphabet, compared with nineteen?per cent of poor children. A study by Richard Reeves and his colleagues at the Brookings Institution shows that of people growing up in the lowest income quintile with two parents, only seventeen?per cent land in the bottom quintile as adults and twenty-three?per cent in the second quintile, while twenty?per cent and nineteen?per cent land in the top three quintiles respectively. The distribution is almost even, with the odds of remaining at the bottom actually lowest. Raj Chetty of Harvard’s Equality of Opportunity Project finds that the fraction of children with single parents is the best predictor of upward economic mobility. Any serous discussion of economic inequality must move beyond the familiar left and right-wing clichés. It is not the “rich” or the “system” which accounts for the lack of upward mobility on the part of some, but their own lifestyle and behavior, in particular, the dramatic increase in out-of-wedlock births and the absence of a father in the home. How to change this self-destructive behavior is certainly a legitimate subject for further examination. Beyond all of this, the advocacy of “equality of condition, ” rather than equality under the law and equality of opportunity, is also a serious misunderstanding of the American political philosophy. The fact that liberty and equality are contradictory concepts was clear in the colonial era, but has become less clear in today’s world. In his classic work, Democracy in America, Alexis De Tocqueville lamented the fact that it was likely that the desire for equality in democratic societies would, in the end, bring an end to liberty. He wrote that, I think that democratic communities have a natural taste for freedom, left to themselves they will seek it, cherish it, and view any privation of it with regret. But for equality, their passion is ardent, insatiable, incessant, invincible. They call for equality in freedom, and if they cannot obtain that, they will call for equality in slavery. They will endure poverty, servitude, barbarism?but they will not endure aristocracy. The twin problems of income disparity and the stagnation of the middle class are certainly worthy of careful examination. Too much of our political rhetoric, on all sides, tends to downplay the complex factors at work in order to come up with simple “solutions, ” which are unlikely to have positive results since they seem to purposely misunderstand the real and complex dynamics at work. We can hardly blame a handful of billionaires, however objectionable their role in our political process may be, for the problems we face. And they will not be resolved by the Republican mantra of “lower taxes, ” or the Democrats’ call to “tax the rich. ” That, however, seems all that our current political process is prepared to deliver. Republished with gracious permission of the Fitzgerald Griffin Foundation (November 2015). The Imaginative Conservative ?applies the principle of appreciation to the discussion of culture and politics?we approach dialogue with magnanimity rather than with mere civility. Will you help us remain a refreshing oasis in the increasingly contentious arena of modern discourse? Please consider? donating now. Editor’s note: The featured image is “Protectors of our Industries” published by Puck, courtesy of Wikimedia Commons. Allan C. Brownfeld is the author of five books, the latest of which is The Revolution Lobby (Council for Inter-American Security). He has been a staff aide to a U. Vice President, Members of Congress, and the U. Senate Internal Subcommittee. He is associate editor of The Lincoln Review and a contributing editor to such publications as Human Events, The St. Croix Review, and The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs.

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View photos Click here to read the full article. If you watch “Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own Words” looking for a clue as to Thomas’ inner workings, a key to who Clarence Thomas really is, then you’ll have to wait a while before it arrives. But it does. The reason it takes so long is that Thomas, dressed in a red tie, light shirt, and blue jacket (yes, his entire outfit is color-coordinated to the American flag), his graying head looking impressive and nearly statue-ready as he gazes into the camera, presents himself as a regular guy, affably growly and folksy in a casual straight-shooter way. And while I have no doubt that’s an honest aspect of who he is, it’s also a shrewdly orchestrated tactic, a way of saying: Don’t try to look for my demons ? you won’t find them. The revealing moment comes when Thomas recalls the 1991 Senate hearings in which he was grilled on national television as part of the Supreme Court confirmation process. Does he go back and talk about Anita Hill? Yes, he does (I’ll get to that shortly), but?that isn’t the revealing part. Discussing Anita Hill, Thomas reveals next to nothing. His métier now is exactly what it was then: Deny, deny, deny. More from Variety Film News Roundup: Clarence Thomas Documentary to Get Theatrical Release Anita Hill's Commission Launches Entertainment Industry Survey on Sexual Harassment Katy Perry and Anita Hill Honored at the DVF Awards Thomas tips his hand, though, when he recalls the moment that a senator asked if he’d ever had a private conversation about Roe v. Wade. At the time, he said no ? and now, 30 years later, that “no” has just gotten louder. In hindsight, he’s incredulous that anyone would simply presume that he’d ever had a private discussion about Roe v. He’s almost proud of how wrong they were to think so. In a Senate hearing, when you say that you’ve never had that kind of conversation, it’s in all likelihood political ? a way, in this case, of keeping your beliefs about abortion ambiguous and close to the vest. A way of keeping them officially off the table. In “Created Equal, ” however, Thomas is being sincere. He has always maintained that he finds it insulting ? and racist ? that people would expect an African-American citizen like himself to conform to a prescribed liberal ideology. And in the same vein, he thinks it’s ridiculous that a Senate questioner expected him to say that he’d ever spent two minutes sitting around talking about Roe v. But talk about an argument that backfires! I’m not a federal judge (and the last time I checked, I’ve never tried to become a Supreme Court justice), but I’ve had many conversations in my life about Roe v. Why wouldn’t I? I’m an ordinary politically inclined American. I mean, how could you not talk about it ? ever? Abortion rights, no matter where you happen to stand on them, are a defining issue of our world. And the fact that Clarence Thomas was up for the role of Supreme Court justice, and that he still views it as A-okay to say that he’d never had a single discussion about Roe v. Wade, shows you where he’s coming from. He has opinions and convictions. But he is, in a word, incurious. He’s a go-along-to-get-along kind of guy, a man who worked hard and achieved something and enjoyed a steady rise without ever being driven to explore things. He was a bureaucrat. Which is fine; plenty of people are. But not the people we expect to be on the Supreme Court. “Created Equal” is structured as a monologue of self-justification, a two-hour infomercial for the decency, the competence, and the conservative role-model aspirationalism of Clarence Thomas. Since he followed the 1991 Senate hearings, even in victory, by going off and licking his wounds, maintaining a public persona that was studiously recessive, there’s a certain interest in “hanging out” with Thomas and taking in his cultivated self-presentation. The movie, in its public-relations heart, is right-wing boilerplate (though it’s mild next to the all-in-for-Trump documentary screeds of Dinesh D’Souza), and there are worse ways to get to know someone like Thomas than to watch him deliver what is basically the visual version of an I-did-it-my-way audiobook memoir, with lots of news clips and photographs to illustrate his words. The first half of the movie draws you in, because it’s basically the story of how Thomas, born in 1948 in the rural community of Pin Point, Georgia, was raised in a penniless family who spoke the creole language of Gullah, and of how he pulled himself up by his bootstraps. After a fire left the family homeless, he and his brother went off to Savannah to live with their grandfather, an illiterate but sternly disciplined taskmaster who gave Thomas his backbone of self-reliance. He entered Conception Seminary College when he was 16, and he loved it ? but in a story Thomas has often told, he left the seminary after the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. when he overheard a fellow student make an ugly remark about King. That’s a telling anecdote, but there’s a reason Thomas showcases it the way he does. It’s his one official grand statement of racial outrage. In “Created Equal, ” he talks for two hours but says next to nothing about his feelings on the Civil Rights movement, or on what it was like to be raised in the Jim Crow South. As a student at Holy Cross, the Jesuit liberal arts college near Boston, he joined a crew of black “revolutionaries” and dressed the part in Army fatigues, but he now mocks that stage of his development, cutting right to his conservative awakening, which coalesced around the issue of busing. Thomas thought it was nuts to bus black kids from Roxbury to schools in South Boston that were every bit as bad as the ones they were already attending. And maybe he was right. Thomas, using busing and welfare as his example, decries the liberal dream as a series of idealistic engineering projects that human beings were then wedged into. There may be aspects of truth to that critique, but liberalism was also rolling up its sleeves to grapple with the agony of injustice. The philosophy that Thomas evolved had a connect-the-dots perfection to it: Treat everyone equal! Period! How easy! It certainly sounds good on paper, yet you want to ask: Couldn’t one use the same logic that rejects affirmative action programs to reject anti-discrimination law? Thomas projects out from his own example: He came from nothing and made something of himself, so why can’t everyone else? But he never stops to consider that he was, in fact, an unusually gifted man. His aw-shucks manner makes him likably unpretentious, but where’s his empathy for all the people who weren’t as talented or lucky? In “Created Equal, ” Thomas continues to treat Anita Hill’s testimony against him as part of a liberal smear campaign ? and, therefore, as a lie. He compares himself to Tom Robinson, the railroaded black man in “To Kill a Mockingbird, ” viewing himself as a pure victim. Thomas’ wife, Virginia Lamp, who sat by his side at the hearings (and is interviewed in the film), stands by him today. But more than two years into the #MeToo revolution, the meaning of the Clarence Thomas/Anita Hill Senate testimony stands clearer than ever. It was the first time in America that a public accusation of sexual harassment shook the earth. The meaning of those hearings transcends the fight over whether one more conservative justice got to be added to the Supreme Court. Thomas now admits that he refused to withdraw his nomination less out of a desire to serve on the Supreme Court than because caving in would have been death to him. “I’ve never cried uncle, ” he says, “whether I wanted to be on the Supreme Court or not. ” It’s an honest confession, but a little like the Roe v. Wade thing: Where was his intellectual and moral desire to serve on the court? By then, he’d been a federal judge for just 16 months, and he admits that he wasn’t drawn to that job either; but he found that he liked the work. Thomas also explains why, once he had ascended to the high court, he went through a period where, famously, he didn’t ask a single question at a public hearing for more than 10 years. His rationalization (“The referee in the game should not be a participant in the game”) is, more or less, nonsense. But his silence spoke volumes. It was his passive-aggressive way of turning inward, of treating an appointment he didn’t truly want with anger ? of coasting as a form of rebellion. It was his way of pretending to be his own man, even as he continued to play the hallowed conservative role of good soldier. Best of Variety The Best Albums of the Decade Sign up for Variety’s Newsletter. For the latest news, follow us on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. View photos. I often had occasion to remind myself in years to come that self-interest isn't a principle- it's just self-interest. I come to state that I'm a man, free to think for myself and do as I please. Clarence Thomas (born 23 June 1948) is an American judge who serves as an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. He is the second African-American to serve on the nation's highest court. Quotes [ edit] 1990s [ edit] This is not an opportunity to talk about difficult matters privately or in a closed environment. This is a circus. It's a national disgrace. And from my standpoint, as a black American, it is a high-tech lynching for uppity blacks who in any way deign to think for themselves, to do for themselves, to have different ideas, and it is a message that unless you kowtow to an old order, this is what will happen to you. You will be lynched, destroyed, caricatured by a committee of the U. S. Senate rather than hung from a tree. Hearing of the Senate Judiciary Committee on the Nomination of Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court, Electronic Text Center, University of Virginia Library (October 11, 1991). [I disagree] that there is a racial paternalism exception to the principle of equal protection. I believe that there is a 'moral [and] constitutional equivalence, ' between laws designed to subjugate a race and those that distribute benefits on the basis of race in order to foster some current notion of equality. Government cannot make us equal; it can only recognize, respect, and protect us as equal before the law. Concurring in Adarand v. Pena, 515 U. 200 (1995). To define each of us by our race is nothing short of a denial of our humanity. As quoted in "The New Republic Calls Out Harry Reid on Clarence Thomas" (December 2004), DinoCrat. [I claim] my right to think for myself, to refuse to have my ideas assigned to me as though I was an intellectual slave because I'm black. Reported in Ellis Cose, " Justice: Still Keeping Score ", Newsweek (April 30, 2007). I can't see myself spending the rest of my life as a judge. A Silent Justice Speaks Out. I Am a Man, a Black Man, an American (1998) [ edit] Speech given at the annual meeting of the National Bar Association (29 July 1998) Mister Mayor, my fellow colleagues of both bench and bar, it's a pleasure to be here. And one advantage is that similar to being on the bench, I have heard all of the arguments, and will take them under advisement. I have been told recently that Judge Bailey does not take matters under advisement that frequently, so I will stay out of his court. But it is indeed a pleasure to be here. A friend of mine who passed away some nine years ago was an active member of the NBA. And many of you may remember him, Gil Hardy. [Applause. ] Probably one of the most painful tragedies for me of my confirmation was to see the name of one of the nicest, most decent human beings I had ever met, besmirched. And Gil was my best friend at both college and at Yale Law School. He was the best man at my wedding and he is the person to whom I went for solace. For those of you with whom I do not share the same opinion and perhaps that is many I will take only 30 minutes of your time. And perhaps at least we can part company having known we at least visited for 30 minutes. Thank you, Judge Keith, for your kind, warm words. As always, I deeply appreciate the manner in which you have made yourself available over the years for counsel and advice. And I appreciate your courteous and dignified example over the past 15 years. And I might add parenthetically here, I met Judge Keith in the early '80s when I was trying to figure out a way to distribute in excess of 10 million dollars to minorities for scholarships, and was being opposed by individuals who should have been supporting us. And it was his advice and counsel that bolstered us in that effort. We who are just commencing our tenures as judges can only hope to emulate your positive spirit and the strength of character that you've always demonstrated. I'd also like to thank President Jones for his support, Justice Johnson for your strength and your courage and you stick-to-it-tivity, Judge Bailey - who I thought I had gotten into a mess, but having had dinner with him, he got me into a mess ? but I have enjoyed your company and the opportunity to learn from you, to get to know you, and perhaps to develop a friendship over the years. And I would like to thank the other members of the Judicial Council for the National Bar Association who have been so courageous and forthright and kind to invite me to join you this afternoon. As has become the custom, a wearisome one I admit, this invitation has not been without controversy. Though this unfortunate, this controversy has added little value in the calculus of my decision to be here. Thirty years ago, we all focused intently on this city as the trauma of Dr. King's death first exploded, then sank into our lives. For so many of us who were trying hard to do what we thought was required of us in the process of integrating this society, the rush of hopelessness and isolation was immediate and overwhelming. It seemed that the whole world had gone mad. I am certain that each of us has his or her memories of that terrible day in 1968. For me it was the final straw in the struggle to retain my vocation to become a Catholic priest. Suddenly, this cataclysmic event ripped me from the moorings of my grandparents, my youth and my faith, and catapulted me headlong into the abyss that Richard Wright seemed to describe years earlier. It was this event that shattered my faith in my religion and my country. I had spent the mid-'60s as a successful student in a virtually white environment. I had learned Latin, physics and chemistry. I had accepted the loneliness that came with being "the integrator, " the first and the only. But this event, this trauma I could not take, especially when one of my fellow seminarians, not knowing that I was standing behind him, declared that he hoped the S. O. B. died. This was a man of God, mortally stricken by an assassin's bullet, and one preparing for the priesthood had wished evil upon him. The life I had dreamed of so often during those hot summers on the farm in Georgia or during what seemed like endless hours on the oil truck with my grandfather, expired as Dr. King expired. As so many of you do, I still know exactly where I was when I heard the news. It was a low moment in our nation's history and a demarcation between hope and hopelessness for many of us. But three decades have evaporated in our lives, too quickly and without sufficient residual evidence of their importance. But much has changed since then. The hope that there would be expeditious resolutions to our myriad problems has long since evaporated with those years. Many who debated and hoped then, now do neither. There now seems to be a broad acceptance of the racial divide as a permanent state. While we once celebrated those things that we had in common with our fellow citizens who did not share our race, so many now are triumphal about our differences, finding little, if anything, in common. Indeed, some go so far as to all but define each of us by our race and establish the range of our thinking and our opinions, if not our deeds by our color. I, for one, see this in much the same way I saw our denial of rights ? as nothing short of a denial of our humanity. Not one of us has the "gospel, " nor are our opinions based upon some revealed precepts to be taken as faith. As thinking, rational individuals, not one of us can claim infallibility, even from the overwhelming advantage of hindsight and Monday-morning quarterbacking. This makes it all the more important that our fallible ideas be examined as all ideas are in the realm of reason, not as some doctrinal or racial heresy. None of us ? none of us have been appointed by God or appointed God. And if any of us has, then my question is why hasn't he or she solved all these problems. I make no apologies for this view now, nor do I intend to do so in the future. I have now been on the court for seven terms. For the most part, it has been much like other endeavors in life. It has its challenges and requires much of the individual to master the workings of the institution. We all know that. It is, I must say, quite different from what I might have anticipated if I had the opportunity to do so. Unlike the unfortunate practice or custom in Washington and in much of the country, the court is a model of civility. It's a wonderful place. Though there have been many contentious issues to come before the court during these initial years of my tenure, I have yet to hear the first unkind words exchanged among my colleagues. And quite frankly, I think that such civility is the sine qua non of conducting the affairs of the court and the business of the country. As such, I think that it would be in derogation of our respective oaths and our institutional obligations to our country to engage in uncivil behavior. It would also be demeaning to any of us who engages in such conduct. Having worn the robe, we have a lifetime obligation to conduct ourselves as having deserved to wear the robe in the first instance. One of the interesting surprises is the virtual isolation, even within the court. It is quite rare that the members of the court see each other during those periods when we're not sitting or when we're not in conference. And the most regular contact beyond those two formal events are the lunches we have on conference and court days. With respect to my following, or, more accurately, being led by other members of the Court, that is silly, but expected since I couldn't possibly think for myself. And what else could possibly be the explanation when I fail to follow the jurisprudential, ideological and intellectual, if not anti-intellectual, prescription assigned to blacks. Since thinking beyond this prescription is presumptively beyond my a Free created equal: clarence thomas in his own words movie.

Free created equal 3a clarence thomas in his own words reaction. When are people going to wake up to the fact that the Democrap party is NO different from the Democrap party of 100 even 150 years ago? They are still made up of the same racist mofos. This is a party may I remind everyone, that had a KKK recruiter still serving in the Senate as late as 2010. A guy named Robert Byrd who held a filibuster against the Civil rights act, a guy democrats honored as a God, a guy they named 32 buildings after, a guy they built a giant statute to in the nations capital, a guy Hillary Clinton called her mentor. All this is ignored by the fucking media that is run by these same racist assholes.
Free created equal: clarence thomas in his own words list. Free Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own words and pictures. Free created equal: clarence thomas in his own words 2017. Free Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own wordstream. Free Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own wordsmith. Wow, I somehow missed watching this when it was first aired over two years ago. Thomas is such a great man. You don't justify the outcome. You reason to the outcome. Pure brilliant Constitutional unemotional logic.

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Created Equal: Clarence Thomas in His Own Words

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