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abstract=Panga is a movie starring Kangana Ranaut, Jassie Gill, and Richa Chadha. Panga is inspired from the life of a national level Kabbadi player from India. It follows her triumphs, struggle and overcoming of stereotypes. It shows how cast=Richa Chadha, Kangana Ranaut Genre=Drama 7,9 / 10

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Panga machete. Panga marine sarasota fl. Pangaea data login. Lady superstar of Bollywood, she never needs a hero. Pana chłopaka do sexu. Pangalan. Panda update. Panga 680. Panda express. Panga ta barabar de naal. Spartacist South Africa No. 9 Winter 2013 The cold-blooded murder of Lonmin workers on 16 August 2012 was “the worst instance of lethal police violence in response to struggle since the end of white-supremacist apartheid rule in 1994”. Even some bourgeois commentators compared it to the Sharpeville massacre that epitomised the apartheid regime’s terror against black people. In spite of the drowning of their comrades in blood, Lonmin miners remained steadfast. Their militancy and determination inspired other miners throughout the country to protest, in defiance of both the Randlords and their African National Congress (ANC)-led Tripartite Alliance government, against their measly pay and miserable working conditions. Their rallying call was the R12 500 wage that the Marikana miners demanded. Within a few weeks, miners from Amandelbult in Limpopo to Kumba’s Sishen iron mine in Northern Cape downed tools demanding higher pay. Clearly out of a concern to maintain the status quo, Zwelinzima Vavi left in the middle of the proceedings of the Congress of South African Trade Unions’ (COSATU’s) 11th national congress for Goldfields’ KDC mine in Carletonville to instruct gold miners to go back to work. At some point even the populist demagogue Julius Malema rode the strike wave for a while to gather support for his unsuccessful campaign to unseat Jacob Zuma as president of the ANC. This wave of wildcat strikes also reverberated across the Cape winelands, where farmworkers rose up in protest demanding a minimum wage of R150 a day. Since the Marikana massacre, the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) has displaced the COSATU-affiliated National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) as the majority union at Lonmin, Impala Platinum (Implats), Anglo-American Platinum (Amplats) and other mines around the platinum belt. To protect its cosy relationship with NUM, the management has delayed the recognition of AMCU, sanctioning the continued presence of NUM in the mines. Inevitably this has led to conflict between the two unions. Earlier this year at Amplats’ Siphumelele mine, workers downed tools to protest what they perceived as the illegitimate occupation of union offices by NUM in the mine, and more recently a similar wildcat strike took place at Lonmin’s Marikana mine. Here the industrial action followed the murder of Mawethu Steven Khululekile, a regional organiser of AMCU. He is one of several victims of violence in the area that has claimed the lives of mineworkers. At the same time, the ANC and its Alliance partners are more worried that a numerically weak NUM, once the largest union in the COSATU federation, would reduce their votes in the elections next year. As a result, they have been calling for the defence of NUM by starting what they call the “Hands off NUM” campaign. At the May Day rally in Rustenburg, for example, ANC deputy president Cyril Ramaphosa declared that “We must stand firm and united behind and defend this union”, explaining that a weak NUM means a weaker ANC. Most importantly though, they are worried about maintaining stability in the platinum belt to ensure the flow of profits to the Randlords and their black henchmen like Ramaphosa. In addition, the ANC government has established an inter-ministerial task team led by deputy president Kgalema Motlanthe to find a solution to the crisis in the mining industry. It has emerged that the government is considering sending the army to Rustenburg to restore stability to the area. We should not forget that in the aftermath of the massacre last year soldiers were deployed to the Rustenburg area to support cops in their operation to maintain “law and order in the Marikana area”, i. e. to suppress the workers. During the recent wildcat strike in Marikana, AMCU president Joseph Mathunjwa, anxious to defuse the tension and to ensure that production is not hampered at the mine, ordered members of his union to go back to work. When the workers committee at Amplats threatened to down tools amid reports that the company intends to retrench 6 000 workers, he declared, “It makes no sense, when employers are dismissing 6, 000 workers, to go on strike illegally. How can you call such a strike? Those so-called workers’ committees are criminals and should be arrested. It is time for law enforcement to act on these criminal elements” (Business Day, 17 May). This reactionary appeal to the bourgeois state against workers is not a coincidence. Notwithstanding their claimed hostility to politics, AMCU leaders are just as class-collaborationist as NUM and COSATU leaders. AMCU is affiliated to the Pan Africanist Congress-dominated National Council of Trade Unions federation, which also has a pro-capitalist leadership. As we make a point to explain below, class independence is mandatory if the South African proletariat is to overthrow capitalist wage slavery. Mathunjwa’s comment infuriated some of the workers at Amplats, especially after it had emerged that he has benefitted to the tune of up to R800 000 per annum from the treacherous “secondment arrangement” negotiated between the NUM and mine bosses. According to the bourgeois Daily Maverick, this so-called “special arrangement” was proposed by the NUM in the late 1980s, with the absurd justification that it would “protect the unions from corporations”. In case of the top bureaucrats, this practice includes payment of annual salaries from middle management level up to the company executive level, while for the shop stewards it entails a higher pay grade, including access to perks like company cars and petrol cards. Although this practice extends to most unions organising mineworkers like the United Association of South Africa (UASA) and the reactionary Solidarity, most of the union officials benefiting from it are from NUM. Unfazed by this damaging exposure, NUM spokesperson Lesiba Seshoka defended the practice and intoned, “You can go to any other unions in South Africa. This is standard practice” (Daily Maverick, 25 April). The Chamber of Mines recently decided, as the Daily Maverick (24 April) put it, that “in the interests of good governance and transparency, the ‘very uncomfortable’ situation should be terminated” at the national, provincial, regional and branch levels, but it will remain intact at the shop steward level. Of course, the mine bosses don’t give a damn about “good governance and transparency”; they have simply decided that it’s no longer a good investment to pay the NUM tops for policing the mineworkers, especially since AMCU is now the dominant union in the platinum belt. This plan to terminate the arrangement has raised the ire of Senzeni Zokwana, NUM president and national chairman of the South African Communist Party (SACP). Zokwana was paid by AngloGold-Ashanti until 2006, but since then has been paid by the Chamber of Mines. His salary is said to be similar to that of NUM general secreary Frans Baleni, who reportedly earns R1, 4 million per annum including perks. He promised that the NUM will fight the decision to terminate the arrangement. More worrying for the NUM tops is that they will have to start paying the salaries of the bureaucrats who benefited from the “secondment arrangement”. The revelation of this arrangement is added proof of what the Marikana miners said during their strike last year, when they complained that their leaders were misrepresenting them and accused them of being too close to the management. Furthermore, this is also highlighted by the wholesale rejection of NUM in favour of AMCU in the platinum belt. Save for their members’ militancy, AMCU tops, as we noted above, accept class collaboration. Mathunjwa has on numerous occasions warned against “illegal unprotected strikes” and insisted that workers must follow prescribed arbitration procedures. If the working class is to break free from bourgeois influence, it will have to fight against its class-collaborationist misleaders and replace them with class-struggle leaders. As Leon Trotsky observed in his unfinished manuscript, “Trade unions in the epoch of imperialist decay” (1940): “Either the trade unions of our time will serve as secondary instruments of imperialist capital to subordinate and discipline the workers and to obstruct the revolution or, on the contrary, the unions will become tools of the revolutionary movement of the proletariat. ” It is from this perspective that we are calling for the breaking of the Tripartite Alliance along class lines (i. setting the working-class base of COSATU and the SACP against their pro-capitalist misleaders and the bourgeois ANC) and the building of a revolutionary workers party that is going to fight tooth and nail for the emancipation of the predominantly black proletariat, the poor, and all the oppressed. For a black-centred workers government! We publish below, in an edited form, a presentation given earlier this year by comrade Kgori at a Johannesburg “Spartacists on the grass” readers’ circle for subscribers of Spartacist South Africa and Workers Vanguard. In an article on their website, the Financial Times noted that “every big government upheaval has been preceded by trouble at the mines” (, 17 February). The trouble that this bourgeois mouthpiece is whining about is the series of wildcat strikes that started in Marikana last year. For a lot of people it was inconceivable that the police of the “democratic government” would commit such an atrocity. We are all familiar with the story now. Rock drillers downed tools on the 10th of August 2012 and they were quickly joined by other sections of mineworkers demanding a wage increase to a minimum of R12 500 per month. From the onset, striking workers were faced wi

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The syntax of Tengkolaku is basically isolating. Particles, not inflections, govern and bracket the grammatical functions of the roots, and indicate the grammatical functions of the words. Generally descriptive words ("adjectives") follow the "nouns" they modify. Since every lexical word can potentially be marked for categories like tense, scare quotes are necessary. Number Unlike in English, where number is marked on each noun, and all that is not marked as plural is marked as singular, number is not a mandatory grammatical category and need not be specified on a noun phrase. There are three categories of grammatical number in Tengkolaku: the unmarked singular; the 'paucal ', which denotes a few of something (particle pu), and the full 'plural ' (particle mengi) which is used for more than a few. These particles follow the word they modify and appear before any nominal or adverbial particles, with the exception of the topic marker, which is free to mark single words or whole phrases. The difference between paucal and plural is contextual, and varies with what is being counted. For groups of people the boundary is somewhere between six and twelve, but again, context is important: the paucal of a group of warriors ( gaueluko pu) is probably more than the paucal of a group of game players ( ape ongi pu). The paucal can be applied to mass nouns: walobi pu, "a bit of water". So can the plural, but in that context it changes its meaning somewhat: walobi mengi, "different kinds of waters. " For "a lot of water", use the intensifier affix: ana walobi. Gender-like distinctions Tengkolaku does not formally mark grammatical genders, nor does the language use separate personal pronouns for men and women. When the gender of a human being or animal needs to be spelled out, they can be marked with the words oima, "man, male" or lenu, "woman, female. " However, Tengkolaku contains a number of genderlike distinctions. None of these are grammaticalized and all are contextual. The first, noted in an earlier post, is the use of kam instead of kel with inanimate agents: ilenoy kam iki an dilopede tinde, "a rock made me fall, " panga kel iki an dilopede tinde, "my sister made me fall. " Somewhat trickier is: Alienable and inalienable possession There are two possessive particles in Tengkolaku: na for general possession and no for inalienable possession. Both particles work rather like English "of"; they intervene between the name of the possessed item, which comes first, and the possessor, which follows the particle: nenebe na panga, "the sister's house. " The difference between them is contextual and not grammaticalized. Canonical inalienable possessions include things like: Your name Your reputation Your life story Members of your family Your family's home Your home town Your personality traits Your body parts Canonical alienable possessions include: Property that you own Movable objects Your thoughts and emotions Money Food Clothing For example, my hair is ordinarily inalienable: peki no iki. When my hair is cut off, it becomes peki na iki; it is no longer attached to me and I can get rid of it. Pronouns and their avoidance### The personal pronouns of Tengkolaku are not a special class of words. They are treated like other ordinary nouns, with the slight graphical difference that paucal and plural markers directly attach to them in writing. The pronouns are: 1p. nos, paucal nospu, plural nomengi 1p. inclusive, no singular, paucal nosupu, plural nosumengi 2p. su, paucal supu, plural sumengi 3p. li, paucal lipu, plural limengi The inclusive first person pronouns are the 'we' that includes the person spoken to. The 'we' that excludes those people is the simple first person paucal and plural. Despite its general lack of inflection on the verb, Tengkolaku is emphatically a pro-drop language. Pronouns are not used where they can be omitted without ambiguity. Generally it's assumed that the person who is talking is speaking of her own opinions, feelings, and perceptions. Etiquette dislikes especially the first person singular pronoun, thought to be particularly obscene; it's considered presumptuous and egotistical to be carrying on about me, me, me all the time. The second person pronouns have another social complication: there exist a haughty variant sutan used to address subordinates, and a humble version sumide used to address social superiors. Which to use among these several variants is a minefield that is frequently avoided by paraphrase. Nos is used freely in storybook and mythic contexts, especially when dealing with anthropomorphized characters: Yaitu pado ēs mu te yi nos, "I am the golden eagle with golden wings. " (IB 3) Pronouns can also be avoided by using pointing words as proxies. Iki, "here", corresponds to the first person; dito, "there", to the second person, and semili, "yonder", to the third person. Iki and dito are often used instead of nos and su if the context makes the references otherwise clear. Second person referents can also be referred to by their titles, occupations, and the like: Kuli alo na aka? what want POSS friend "what does the friend want? " Statements without agents or patients It is possible to make meaningful statements in Tengkolaku without either agents or patients. Tense, mood, and aspect need not be specified in these statements, either, though they can be. These statements will be simple declarations of description, existence, mental state, and the like. The unmarked tense in Tengkolaku is called the "gnomic" tense. To claim that the gnomic tense in Tengkolaku expresses 'timeless truths' makes it sound like it's a much bigger deal than it is. Rather, statements unmarked for tense, aspect, or mood are that way because they represent continuous, habitual, proverbial, and similar statements which need no such specification: Maung adamu. cat big "The cat is big". Ongi ikule. person strange "People are strange. " For "that person is strange" resort to a pointing word: * Ongi dito ikule. person that strange Tengkolaku does not need or use a copula. Simple concatenation of two roots can be read as describing one in the context of the other. Pointing words can be added: Iki maung adamu. here cat big "This is a big cat", or, more idiomatic in English, "That's a big cat. " Iki nenebe. here house "Here is the house. " Negation may be added: Onsa lu gengaki. tiger NEG bird "A tiger is not a bird. " This unmarked tense is unavailable in statements that have agents or patients; in that situation the unbounded imperfect with gan must be used. When a sentence has an agent or a patient, those words have been definitely cast in the role of 'noun', so the word serving as a verb must likewise be specified. Statements with verbals and adverbials Just about any root in Tengkolaku that will support the ideas expressed in them can have tense, aspect, and mood added to them. While some stems may well seem verb-like and others less so, the lexical words themselves do not have these grammatical categories inherently and may take verbal particles. Nenebe us. house PERF "It was a house / It used to be a house. " Iki nenebe us. here house PERF "There used to be a house here. " Iki nenebe wang. here house "Some day there will be a house here. " All of the verbals and adverbials are available for use in these kinds of statements. The particles can moreover be stacked, Generally, adverbials follow immediately after the words they govern, while verbals follow them and modify the whole phrases. Onsa siku tu! tiger LIKE JUSS "Be like a tiger! " Iki nenebe wang ba. here house HEARSAY "I hear that some day there's going to be a house here. " Idemū ngis lango sau. rotten TURN EXPERIENCED "I know it turned rotten long ago. " These sorts of sentences can also include the topic marker. If multiple third parties are involved, topic and non-topic marking is still mandatory. The topic marker can also be used to call attention to the most important bits: Ilul ngodam tu, oka yi lā. sleep JUSS snake TOP LOC "Don't fall asleep, there are snakes about. " Statements with patients only If a verb phrase in Tengkolaku has one argument, in almost every case the subject of the verb phrase will be a patient. Patients are marked with the particle an. The scope and use of the patient marker is quite broad. Subjects are marked as patients even when their relation to the action in the verb phrase is that of voluntary initiator: Enlilna an imemi win ngia gau. queen PAT city TOWARDS go "The queen went towards the city. " Tengkolaku does not, strictly speaking, have a passive voice. Rather, if a word with potential transitive meaning appears in a phrase with only a patient, the English passive voice can be used to translate the resulting sentence: Kondili us nenebe an. build PERF house PAT can be rendered in English as either "A house was built" or "Someone built a house. " Specifying an agent in sentences like these are one of the few situations where a personal pronoun is required by the grammar: Kondili us nenebe an nos kel. build PERF house PAT 1p AG is the only entirely unambiguous way to say that "I built the house, " claiming personal credit for its construction. Etiquette, not grammar, prefers the construction: Kondili us nenebe an iki kel. build PERF house PAT HERE AG using the word iki, "here", instead of the first person pronoun, which is considered rather abrupt in tone. In colloquial speech, the marker an can be omitted in statements that only have patients. As noted above, Eketol ngeongo us can only mean "Hector was killed", not "Hector kills". If an agent is marked in the sentence, the use of the patient particle an becomes mandatory. Statements with agents only These are used very infrequently. Ordinarily a sentence whose verb construction is paired only with an agent is ill formed. As noted above, if the underlying idea is intransitive, its subject is a patient without regard to the subject's voluntary action. There is a
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